Open Appeal Letter to UN Security Council
Ali E. H. NAALEEYE
Dear Mr. President,
At the outset, I wish to convey to you my cordial gratitude in allowing me this rare occasion to fully relate to the members of this World body the distressed condition the Somali people have been living after 16 years of government hiatus and civil war. Since the formation of the disintegrating Somali transitional government formed in Nairobi, Kenya in 2004, rarely a month passed without Ethiopia exploiting Addis Ababa’s African Union headquarter home court advantage, and via America’s war against Islamic fundamentalists, to exhort this honorable World Peace body to authorize an African Somalia intervention force to elude the fact that the ethnical and the religious Somalia-Ethiopian hostility dates as far back as the 15th century AD.
In 1990 after General Mohamed F. Aideed overthrew the Somalia dictator Siyad Barre, the U.S. saw Aideed’s nationalism and his sympathy to Ethiopia’s Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) as a threat to its Horn of Africa interest. At that time as the U.S. moved some of its Western European military bases to neighboring Poland, was also considering after the closure of its Arabian Peninsula military bases to move to the neighboring Somalia’s 3,050 km. long coastal territorial waters, defended by Aideed’s loose militia.
After Losing the American presidency in 1992, President Bush Sr. without consulting the local Somali authority unexpectedly announced to the world sending to Somalia 35,000 U.S.-led U.N. peace mission “Restore Hope” to stop food aid theft that was causing child starvation in the southern city of Baidoa. When the U.S. withdrew its ill-fated Somalia military intervention in 1993, where 18 U.S. Marines died, President Clinton sought rapprochement with France in the U.N. Security Council. France historically followed an African diplomacy independent from that of Washington. The U.N. Security Council issued Somalia Communiqué that if the UN mission in Somalia failed, the best way to help Somalia is the Council to support the proposed East African Inter-governmental Authority on Development (IGAD): Ethiopia, Kenya, Eritrea, Uganda, Djibouti and Sudan, to convene Somalia peace conference.
According to Il Tempo, one of Italy’s major daily newspapers on 19 June 2006, “L’Onu... assistito inermi al dissolvimento della Somalia” translated by www.freetranslation.com, “The U.N. assisted defenseless the dissolution of Somalia. The Il Tempo added because Somalia is “A country that hides in its subsoil infinite resources like uranium, oil and natural gas. A Richness that the large American and British companies are looking to exploit. In this party France has also entered” (Please see Il Tempo & Moi’s copies attached). The highly publicized 15 failed IGAD Somalia regional peace conferences held and sponsored by Somalia’s conflict-ridden neighbors since Ethiopia torpedoed the Somali peace conferences held in Egypt and Yemen, was intended to cover up the classic converged interests of Ethiopia, Kenya, and Djibouti, which depend the financial and the military aid of the U.S., the U.K., and France respectively.
The U.N. authorization of the 1992 failed Somalia U.N. military intervention without consulting the Somali authority and the subsequent U.N. endorsement and financial support to the 15 failed IGAD Somalia peace conferences subjected the Somalis a cycle of untold violence, resulted the death of nearly one million Somalis in combat, diseases and man-made draught, spearheaded the migration and displacement of 3 to 4 million people from their homes, ushered Somalia to become the only U.N. member to be denied in the past 15 years the U.N. organizations’ privilege rights, benefits, and membership diplomatic posts, brought to a halt the developed countries’ Third World development aid to Somalia, deprived Somalia accessing the world trade, NGOs, IGOs, and international investments, and last but not least, breached the U.N. Charter: member states shall intervene militarily only at the last resort, when all other peaceful means are exhausted, and members shall settle disputes by peaceful means in such manner that justice not be endangered. The last U.S. presidential election debate in 1999 Mr. Bush sharply criticized Vice President Al Gore, “In Somalia we changed our mission from peace-keeping to peace-making and our country paid a terrible price.”
Your Excellency, likewise, another U.N. Somalia military authorization within a decade this time an East African force would only cause a Rwandan tragedy by re-kindling centuries-old deeply embedded ethnic and religious simmering conflict that will destabilize Africa, the Gulf of Aden and beyond. The East African IGAD states want to live in peace like any other region of the world, but the lack of a sustainable economic development and its proximity to the Middle East made its leaders vulnerable to proxies’ and intra-regional wars. Last week alone the four conflicts the Council discussed, two were the Eritrea-Ethiopian war and Sudan. In the past two decade alone, IGAD had shown the Security Council what they mean when they appeal the U.N. to mandate Somalia military intervention:
In 1978 Uganda invaded Tanzania and formally annexed the Tanzanian region of Kagera. According to the International Rescue Committee “Mortality Report” during the two years 1998-99 Ugandan and Rwandan invasion in the Congo Democratic Republic 1.7 million Congolese people died from combat, hunger and diseases and that none of the deaths would have occurred if Uganda would not have invaded Congo. The Human Rights Watch pointed out that Uganda’s long war with the Lords Resistance Army (LRA) at the Uganda-Sudanese border region caused human right abuses including, summary executions, torture and mutilation, recruitment of child soldiers, child sex abuse, and enforced mass displacement.
Ethiopia’s annexation of Eritrea in 1961 led to the 30-year Eritrea-Ethiopian war. In less than a decade, Ethiopia went war with Somalia twice in 1967 and in 1977-78. Currently Ethiopia is reported to have violated the U.N. Somalia weapon embargo by invading and occupying several regions in Somalia. Sudan and Djibouti not only rejected sending their troops to Somalia, but warned the international community that mandating an AU force would escalate the Somalia crisis. Ethiopian, Ugandan, Kenyan, and Eritrea forces fighting in Somalia regardless of including several Islamic nations would provoke some Islamic nations.
Eritrea involved a conflict with Sudan since 1994; Eritrea invaded the Yemeni Islands in1995. Eritrea in order to settle a border dispute with Ethiopia went war with Ethiopia in 1998 that cost 100,000 lives. The U.N., to prevent the breaking of another Eritrea-Ethiopian war, positioned UNMEE peace-keeping force in the demilitarized Eritrea-Ethiopian border. Kenya’s immediate President Daniel Arap Moi, after hosting the 15th Somali peace conference 2002-4 in Nairobi, Kenya, a speech made at the American Military Academy in Washington D.C. criticized the U.N.’s unmerited support of IGAD, “One of the drawbacks in the Somalia peace process was the regional suspicion that a united Somalia might pursue its “expansionist dreams”. He recalled that at independence Somalia was claiming parts of Kenya, Ethiopia and Djibouti and consequently initiated armed conflicts to try and realize this idea.”
On 6 December 2002 the Ethiopian Government posted this memo to its official web www.EthiopianEmbassy.org “At the invitation of U.S. President George W. Bush, Prime Minister of Ethiopia Meles Zenawi and Kenyan President Daniel T. arap Moi visited the White House on December 5 to discuss issues of mutual concern, including the U.S.-led global war on terror. The three leaders also discussed additional regional security issues , including peace and reconciliation in Somalia". Shortly after the three nations Somalia provisional government consultation in Washington D.C. the current U.N. supported Somalia transitional government was created in Nairobi, Kenya, without any reconciliation.
The U.S. to consult the internal affairs of Somalia with Ethiopia, which only little over a decade ago during the 1977-78 Somali-Ethiopian war, the former U.S.S.R.’s best W.W. II decorated conventional war Generals led the Ethiopian and Cuban troops in blitz-krieg to drive out the Somali forces who initially captured from Ethiopia the disputed Somali inhabited region was ill hearted. In 1941 Britain ceded the Somali inhabited region to Ethiopia to deter future Somalia hegemony and threat to British interests in the Gulf of Aden, the Indian Ocean, and the Horn of Africa. Not surprisingly, Ethiopia and Kenya hand-picked the selection of the U.N. supported Somalia transitional government largely from their trusted Somali refugees and exiled warlords living in their countries. Prime Minister Geedi was picked from the Somali refugees in Kenya and President Abdullahi Yusuf was a 30-year Ethiopian exiled warlord.
Your Excellency, the U.N. to support 5-year-term exile-formed, divided illegitimate Somalia transitional government, hosted and sponsored by Ethiopia and Kenya-led IGAD, which fought in the past 3 decades alone 3 major conventional wars and which has a little Somali support and doesn’t control a single Somali city, (given its seat Baidoa was under the control of the region’s RRA faction, and Ethiopia was the real power in the city since it captured from Hussein Aideed on 6 June 1999), while on the other hand, the U.N. sends election monitoring experts to support democratically elected provisional governments in the world’s other conflicts such as East Timor, Lebanon, Sierra Leone, Afghanistan, Liberia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Haiti, Iraq, the Congo Democratic Republic and Sudan is not only a U.N. double standard, but breached international law of the U.N Charter: a new government is recognized only after it gains the support of the local people in a well defined territory, but underscores the Il Tempo Somalia tragedy analyzes that the U.N. Security Council veto Power nations with sphere of influence in the Horn of Africa: the U.S., the U.K., and France converged their interests to dissolve Somalia as a state.
Surprisingly the U.N. supported Somali government during its honeymoon instead of beginning reconciliation efforts embarked an agenda that shocked the Somalis and the international community alike: it succeeded sparking Somalia’s bloodiest civil war since 1992, persuaded Ethiopia to invade and occupy parts of Somalia, siphoned up the significant international community Somalia humanitarian aid , and last it had asked the U.N. Security Council to authorize an AU forces to pacify the Somalis, whom remarkably have one language, one ethnic, and one religion to underscore that nearly the three years the international community financed the Somalia conference in Kenya was warlords’ marathon to the U.N.’s recognition.
The reason the U.S. makes the name Somalia synonymous with the words Taliban-style state and Al-Qaida is to cover up that America, who wants to be seen as the world’s leading symbol of democracy, freedom, human rights and moral values, would use its right to defend after the 9/11 tragedy by militarily naval blockading a half-world-away Somalis living under conditions that resemble genocide, 16-years of civil-war, anarchy and government-less, besieges Somalia in a tight military ring by carrying joint military exercises with Ethiopia and Kenya at their respective Somalia borders, and allows the Sub-Saharan Africa’s largest U.S. financial and military aid recipient Ethiopia, invade and occupy several Somali provinces violating the U.N. Resolution 733 Somalia arm embargo 23 January 1992. Also, the U.S. Somalia military blockade stifled the formation of central government and impeded Somalia friendly nations assisting Somalia.
President Bush in January 2000 State of the Union Address speech to the American Congress said, “Today I sent the U.S. Marines to the coasts of the Horn of African nation of Somalia to intercept the fleeing Al-Qaida members from Afghanistan.”
Ever since overthrowing the Afghanistan regime, the U.S. has been labeling Somalia as Taliban state. To compare and label Somalia as Taliban-style regime is unfair. The Afghanistan Taliban had a government, world-wide embassies, was a member state of the world’s governmental organizations & NGOs, and had world-wide known terrorist-training camps, which the 9/11 suspects graduated. And unlike the 9/11 Taliban, where the U.S. was ill-prepared, Maj. Gen. John F. Sattler, the commander of Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa based in the dual French-U.S. military based Djibouti pointed out that in Somalia the U.S. have a human arm of agents working as doctors, well-diggers and desert camel-ridding nomads.
For the past 15 years, the U.S.-financed Somalia warlords were ruling Somalia without any opposition; given the need of a government in Somalia, the U.S. could have easily helped the warlords form a Somali government answerable to international terrorism as it did in Afghanistan and Iraq, but instead it allied the warlords with Ethiopia and Kenya as the head price of the Somali civil war, in order to pressure the Somali population, the Islamic Courts Council (I.C.C.) and the Somali business community seize power in self-defense, so that the U.S. can justify to the world that it was right to target Taliban-style Somalia, a series of harsh anti-terror measures, and to authorize the battle-tested Ugandan and Ethiopian forces covered as AU Somalia peace-mission. Ironically, only after the war wary Somalis overthrew the warlords, whom U.N. Secretary General Mr. Kofi Annan pointed out that they terrorized the Somali people for a very long time, did the U.S. began saying it wants the international community to help the warlord-led Somali government.
Now France isn’t a part of the recently U.S. formed ad hoc Somalia Contact Group. Given the fact that global media reports live nearly daily international terrorism happening not in Somalia, but in Baghdad, London and Madrid, it seems the governments of the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China are concerned that the U.S.’s unrealized fears and persistently labeling Somalia as a Taliban state is due to the U.S.’s post 9/11 decision to reduce its Middle East oil dependency and prospect new markets. A U.N. fact-finding team sent to Somalia found the local people reject any military intervention. Authorizing IGAD troops to Somalia will be the first time the U.N. acted against the will of U.N. member state. Lifting the U.N. Somalia weapon embargo would only unleash more terrorism in the Gulf as the suicidal attack to the USS Cole and French Limburg oil tanker in the Gulf of Aden, despite the presence of the counter-terror military forces from the U.S., Germany, France, and Spain, based at the former French Somali Coast, now Djibouti.
No nation lives in an insured security. Wars, military coup d’état or natural disaster unexpectedly pops up somewhere in the world. A pedestrian firing a shot in Sarajevo and Austria-Hungary’s ultimatum started W.W. I. Without warning in 7 hours the Tsunami disaster killed over a quarter million people. Lebanon was reconstructed in 5 years and destroyed in 2 days. To prevent Somalia from setting a precedent as a dissolved U.N. member state, Your Excellency, wouldn’t for humanitarian and moral reasons, kindly consider asking the U.N. Security Council, to help address the Somali tragedy in a way that can bring a really government in Somalia? Your Excellency, accept my highest consideration.
Ali E. H. NAALEEYE
The Somalia interested UN General Assembly Member States
The UN Secretary-General
President of the African Union
The Secretary General of the Arab League